Av vissa naturliga skäl håller jag mig till vad den del av vänstern som står nära Fjärde Internationalen säger, dessutom naturligtvis bara ett utval av deras reaktioner. Jag utelämnar alltså de flesta reaktioner från maoister och stalinister. Den asiatiska vänstern är dels extremt stor och det är svårt att läsa allt och dessutom håller jag ju troligtvis inte med om maoisters och stalinisters analyser. Pakistanska Labour Party Pakistans (LPP) Faroq Tariq skriver bland annat:

Communist Party of Nepal Maoist victory in the election held on 10 April is a great step forward for the forces of the Left in the region and internationally. Not only Maoist but also Communist Party of Nepal United Marxist Leninist (UML) has tailing behind Maoist, but received more votes than the Nepal Congress. Until this writing, Maoist has won 69 seats, UML 21, Nepal Congress 20 and Peasant Workers Party 2 seats.

Maoists were heading to become the single largest group in 240 seats that are being decided on a first-past-the post basis. Nearly 60 percent of the 601 seats in the constitutional assembly will be decided by a complex proportional representative votes, whose results will take a couple of weeks to come. The future of King Gyanedra and the Shah monarchy hangs by a thread straining under the weight of pro Maoists mandate.

Och så här skrev några nepalesiska vänsterintellektuella (uppenbarligen maoister) innan valet:

With hindsight, it can be said that by arousing the peasant masses through rural class struggle and Maoist people’s war, the revolutionary left has achieved considerable success in paralysing bourgeois instability and crushing the resistance of autocracy by force, thus clearing the ground for the unprecedented spectacle of mass protests and popular demonstrations witnessed by the whole world in 2006. The combined effort of national and international reactionary forces was able to prevent the final culmination of the peaceful uprising –- the armed revolt -– only by opting to compromise and not through military suppression of the popular movement.

It has taken two turbulent years for the constituent assembly election to materialise, now due to be held on April 10, 2008. For the revolutionary left it is a hard won victory and epoch-making event which can help speed the completion of the democratic revolution. They can be expected to make a sincere effort to win the hearts and trust of the people for their candidates and to win a majority of the seats. But it should also be kept in mind that revolutionaries do not participate in elections in a desperate bid to win seats. When they participate in elections it is to make their agenda clear, and to educate the people about the probable course of history.

For the CPN (Maoist), the occasion is an added opportunity to rectify its past mistakes, and atone for atrocities committed during the people’s war. It is also an opportunity to gain strength by revisiting the masses on a different footing, and to emerge as a more mature political force, freed from the tendency to militarism. It would not be out of place, I believe, to remind the revolutionary left of the spirit of ”serve the people” and the ”eight points of conduct” so eloquently put forward by Mao as they present themselves to the people as their true representatives in the elections to the constituent assembly. Such an effort may hasten the pace of completion of the first tactical phase of revolution as articulated by Lenin, and prepare them for the second.

I Analytical Monthly Review skriver man bland annat följande:

The peaceful mass participation in the elections for a Constituent Assembly (”CA”) in Nepal on April 10, 2008 was not only an historic achievement of the Nepalese people, but a reminder that the revolutionary process in Nepal deserves the close attention and eager assistance of every sincere Marxist.

This election was not an exercise due to some number of years having passed since the last, nor the result of some legislators bribed to cross the floor or stay away. The demand for elections to a CA was raised by the revolutionary left in Nepal immediately on the murder of king Birendra and his family on June 1, 2001. It was a demand raised both by the CPN (Maoist) engaged in armed struggle and the CPN (Unity Centre) with its parliamentary front (”Janamorcha Nepal”) — who was first is for historians to determine. The point was that the monarchy had now truly come to an end, its legitimacy gone for good. Of course even then the feudal ruling class was an anachronism, but the royal institution in the person of Birendra had continued to resist domination of Nepal by the rulers of India and therefore had a meaningful claim as ”national symbol.” When Birendra was murdered and the grinning thug of a new crown prince Paras emerged unscathed from the massacre scene, the monarchy might still command hired guns but its legitimate historical role and all claims to allegiance were gone.

och:

Perhaps not surprisingly, after the results became clear the U.S. mouthpiece ”Voice of America” quoted a U.S. government-funded outfit calling itself ”Asian Network for Free Elections” as saying that ”it is premature to declare Nepal’s balloting free and fair.” Amusingly, the same outfit had called the elections ”successful and credible” before having its leash pulled from Washington. This sinister buffoonery serves to remind that Nepal still has a deadly enemy in the rulers of the United States, who continue to term the CPN(Maoist) ”terrorists” and continue to control the commanding officers of the Nepal Army.

Personligen måste jag dock säga att jag känner mig väldigt skeptisk till vad maoisternas seger i Nepal kan innebära.  För om jag förstått rätt är Sendero Luminoso i Peru en av deras internationella systerorganisationer. Och det är verkligen en organisation med en obehaglig och odemokratisk historia.

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